TOC o 1-3 h z u HYPERLINK l _Toc519728543 CHAPTER THREE PAGEREF _Toc519728543 h 2 HYPERLINK l _Toc519728544 COLONIAL AGRICULTURAL MODERNIZATION AND LANDSCAPE CHANGES IN RUNGWE DISTRICT, FROM 1890 TO 1950. PAGEREF _Toc519728544 h 2 HYPERLINK l _Toc519728545 3.0. Introduction PAGEREF _Toc519728545 h 2 HYPERLINK l _Toc519728546 3.1. Cash Crops Production and Landscape Changes PAGEREF _Toc519728546 h 3 HYPERLINK l _Toc519728547 3.2. Coffee production and Landscape Changes in Rungwe District from 1890 to 1950 PAGEREF _Toc519728547 h 4 HYPERLINK l _Toc519728548 3.3. Tea Production and Greenery Estates in Rungwe District PAGEREF _Toc519728548 h 10 HYPERLINK l _Toc519728549 3.4. Paddy Production and Modifications of the Wetlands into Farmlands in Mwaya Plains. PAGEREF _Toc519728549 h 12 HYPERLINK l _Toc519728550 3.5. Colonial Tree Planting and the Change of Land cover. PAGEREF _Toc519728550 h 15 HYPERLINK l _Toc519728551 3.6. Changes in Biodiversity PAGEREF _Toc519728551 h 23 HYPERLINK l _Toc519728552 3.7. Agricultural Modernization and Climate Change. PAGEREF _Toc519728552 h 26 HYPERLINK l _Toc519728553 3.8. The use of Agrochemicals and Environmental Degradation. PAGEREF _Toc519728553 h 31 HYPERLINK l _Toc519728554 3.9. Soil Erosion PAGEREF _Toc519728554 h 32 HYPERLINK l _Toc519728555 3.10. Conclusion PAGEREF _Toc519728555 h 34 CHAPTER THREE COLONIAL AGRICULTURAL MODERNIZATION AND LANDSCAPE CHANGES IN RUNGWE DISTRICT, FROM 1890 TO 1950. 3.0. Introduction The period between 1890 and 1950s in Tanzania and particularly Rungwe district has a historical significance on environmental changes. It underwent a series of historical changes which led to major landscape changes. It started by colonial occupation and domination of land in 1890 by the German colonialists and marked its end in 1914 during the start of the First World War. Also, it proceeded by the British colonial government in the 1920s when Tanganyika was a colony of the British government. Landscape changes were more sharpened by the impact of the Great Depression of the 1930s and after the Second World War. In order to solve, these crises the British colonial government expanded African commodity production in Tanganyika and in Rungwe District in particular. Various development policies were formulated and introduced to reflect the economic problems prevailed within the country and their home governments. The formulated policies were intended to increase production for exports of raw materials. That being the case, the establishment of both cash and food crops production and the construction of infrastructures (roads, settlements) went simultaneously throughout the district. This chapter highlights agricultural modernization and landscape changes introduced by the German and the British colonial rule. The chapter starts by giving an explanation on how the colonialist acquired the land from the indigenous through the set Land policies by the colonial states. It proceeds with the investigation of major crops introduced in Rungwe district by the German and later on by the British. It also examines the landscape changes attributed to these crop interventions. Furthermore, the chapter examines the environmental impact led by wider coverage of the cropland and lastly, the conclusion is provided. 3.1. Cash Crops Production and Landscape Changes The German development interventions began as early as 1893 when the colonial states were ambitiously decided to introduce new crops and plants species in Rungwe District and Tanganyika in general. They aimed to develop economic potentials in the district in order to serve the metropolitan states. These developments had brought various changes in pre-colonial Tanzanian environment and the general ecological setup. They altered the pre-colonial environment in many different ways including changes in land scenery, vegetation cover, habitats and changes in climatic conditions of the district. At first, they introduced and experimented with different varieties of crops in the district. A crop such as Para rubber was recommended for the Mwaya area along the foothills from the Songwe to the Livingstone Mountains, cotton was also, considered suitable for the same area, whilst, coffee and tea were recommended for the higher areas such as Mwakaleli, Kyimbila and Tukuyu. This was an initial move towards agricultural modernization and diversification in the district. However, it had aimed at plunging the Nyakyusa people into more and more dependency on the world market. The introduction of rubber and cotton cultivation in the plains (Mwaya) had seriously affected the acreage under food crop cultivation in the plains due to large tracts of land was alienated from the Africans. Later on, in 1908 cotton and rubber did not give priority by the German colonial government due to the fall of price in the world market, and therefore they decided to engage in coffee under peasant production and tea as plantation crops. For the purpose of this study, the discussion will be based on coffee and banana, as peasantry based, tea plantation as commercial crops and tree planting. This was simply because, these were the main production activities involved large-scale land clearing and produced for so long, and therefore, led to various landscape transformations. More specifically, from woodland and grassland landscapes into farmland landscapes in Rungwe District. 3.2. Coffee production and Landscape Changes in Rungwe District from 1890 to 1950 Landscape changes with coffee began at early period by missionaries who represented the German colonial government more specifically the Berliners and the Moravians. The district attracted the European settlers because of good climatic conditions, soil fertility and its agricultural potential for coffee and tea farming. The areas had natural forests and other trees were introduced and planted first by the Germans and British colonial rule. At first, they introduced peasantization policy, the policy which entailed the initial transformation of natives into a commercial orbit of the society which had hitherto organized production for its own subsistence and barter trade with the neighbouring societies. The policy brought about major changes in land tenure and inheritance, for instance, Kingship ties began to disintegrate and this led to individualization. The intensification of peasantization process, the missionaries alienated a large tract of land for cash crops production and more land as a church property. Natives who lived on mission lands could be evicted by the missionary-in-charge of the station if they did not abide by missionary regulations. During this period, the natives became tenants farming at the will of the mission. Between the years, 1898 and 1900, both Berliner in the East and Moravian missionaries in the West, established coffee plantations. The first coffee estates include, Kyimbila, Chivanje and Rungwe Mission, Manow, Mwakeleli, and thereafter spread to other places including Mbozi, Wanagemannshoh (Itete), Lutengano and Tukuyu. As actors of the large-scale landscape transformation, the mission stations, offered some literacy skills, crafts and trade for which the New Wangenmannshoh (Itete) mission was praised by the German administration in it 1899 and 1900 reports. At the beginning of 1912, about 6,273 hectares of European farms were already alienated from the natives. Almost comprised 102 farms of an average size of 61 hectares were owned by missionaries. This was an initial stage of missionaries to initiate changes in landscapes by directly taking the lead in growing new crops especially coffee production. The colonial government motivated the African farmers to open up large coffee farms to ensure increased export for both settlers and Africans. Furthermore, as it was depending on environmental settings and climatic factors, missionaries tended to experiment with coffee, rice, potatoes, wheat and fruits and were soon imitated by their congregations. They experimented with coffee at Kyimbila, Lutengano, Mwakaleli, Manow and Wangenmannshoh station which was in 1900 already 1000 trees. However, the Moravian missionaries saw that the Nyakyusa would be served best by allowing them to participate not only in wage labour on the plantations and as porters, but also, as small-scale peasant cash crops producers. Thus, coffee production continued in the Southern Highlands province with the opening up of new farms through the clearing of land and felling trees bad enough with little consideration of the negative effects posed to the environment. The coffee harvests declined due to both shortage and poor distribution of rainfall and poor market price for the crop. Many of the people who lived near the mission stations responded positively to coffee growing in the highlands obtaining the seedlings from the mission plantations which they planted on their banana plots. The converts became the first planters of new crops introduced by the missionaries. These crops such as coffee were integrated into Rungwe subsistence economy. Other early planters of coffee were either the chiefs who were the close collaborators of the missionaries or the missionarys school graduates. Seedlings were provided freely from the mission coffee estates. By 1920, for instance, Anyelwisye Mwantimwa one of the early coverts became the first person to plant coffee in Mwakaleli area as was Anyandwile Kipomela once a missionary gardener in Kisungu, Ilolo, Masebe and Ibigi villages. Chief Mwakangata and Kibwesile of Kapilimuka, together with Mbusisya a village headman as well as missionary employee were provided with coffee seedlings and became one of the first few early planters in their home area. They planted their coffee seedlings together with banana in the same piece of land. Many Christian families grew coffee using family labour and influenced other local people. The intensification of African coffee growers and tea plantation in Rungwe in the late 1930s transformed the Landscape negatively due to the widespread of coffee plantations in Mwakaleli, Manow and Wangennmanshoh. The negative landscape transformation began to increase in Tanganyika and in Rungwe District in particular from the mid-1930s due to many natives acquired skills of growing new crops and intensification of agricultural production following the implementation of the grow more cash crops campaign which was initiated by the colonial government to counteract the effects Great economic Depression. This campaign had three major objectives first was to ameliorate the grave of financial position in which the country had been thrown by the war. Second, was to increase supplies for local consumption as well as for military requirements in East Africa. The third and the last objective of the grow more crops campaign was to contribute to the Empire and Allied forces needs for raw materials necessary for the prosecution of the war. The chief Secretary summed up the purpose of grow more crops campaign as produce to the limit, Export all you can. These colonial agricultural orders introduced during the campaign increased the use of extremely poor land, which led to various form landscape changes. As noted by Gilman. C, the Chief Engineer of the Tanganyika Railway Administration that, the campaign was the main source of soil erosion in various part of the territory and he named the campaign destroy your land policy. The wood landscapes were tilled and exposed to various forms of erosion including water and wind erosion. The expansion of agricultural land for food and cash crop production meant increasing vegetation clearance in different places of Rungwe District, was aimed at opening up land for cultivation and driving away predators. The clearing of the forests during the German and British colonial period contributed to the migration of wild game and disappearing of some plants species in the district. Though the distance from the railway also was realised as a stumbling block with respect to an export drive in the southern Highlands particularly Rungwe District. There was also a European attempt to re-organize coffee industry at the native level after the failure of the trials in the early 1920s which was caused by pest like Hemelia leaf diseases, yellow and white borers. Clearing of the bush-land for Coffee production by the peasants was increasing tremendously from 1932 to 1938 due to the good price of the crop and emphasize from the colonial state. Peasants opened the wood landscapes by clearing and burning shrubs for inter-planting coffee and banana trees. More important for the increased interventions in the landscape in the district during the 1930s, was the role played by the colonial government to provide the natives with seedlings free of charge. All these encouraged the peasants to open more acreage of lands and planted more trees of coffee altogether with bananas that led into patches of green farms, fragmented shrub-land and grassland landscapes. Statistics show that there were 1,349 African growers with 238,500 coffee trees at the end of 1932. The number of growers increased in 1934 to 2,888 growers with 356,556 coffee trees. This large-scale clearing of natural forests changed the vegetation cover, that had previously tightened the soils limiting from easily eroded, and therefore, the farms exposed the landscapes to agents of erosion especially surface erosion. In addition, the eroded materials accumulated down streams fostered siltation and decreased water quality. Moreover, the formerly closed woodlands, grassland or bush landscapes have been loosened by tiling as coffee farms, and therefore, exposed to severe environmental degradation. Apart from that, the extensive cultivation of coffee and tea on slopes of the New Langenburg in the 1930s triggered erosion especially sheet and gully erosions, which was gradually evolved into savanna landscapes, and encroachment of semi-arid landscape features. For instance, sheet erosion in most prone areas in the district resulted in the general deterioration of humid tropical ecosystems. Some of the ecological problems attributed to colonial development interventions include increased surface run-offs, soil water infiltration wash out nutrients especially by erosion. Also, the steep slopes of the Livingstone escarpments enhanced the generation of floods in the lowlands due to the fast water flows in an inclined landscape. Some evidence of depletion of the natural environment as hazards by erosion and landslides were also attributed to climate change due to large-scale felling of trees and total clearing of the natural vegetation cover. Likewise, the homesteads and the established farms were seen well covered with bananas and coffee trees, and the general view of the landscape was seen greenery forests with patches of woodlands and grasslands. During this period, the natives were able to construct modern houses using the accumulated wealth from coffee. As recalled by Win Anyosisye Mwangoka, the retired teacher, coffee growers were the first people in Rungwe District to build modern houses with big windows and doors, which also had an impact on landscape changes, as transformed the native from hut or tembe roofed with grasses into the well-built houses from burnt bricks and roofed with iron sheets. However, a big drop in production occurred from 1940 to 1942 due to the outbreak of the Second War, leading to no more opening of the new farms for coffee production. More changes were accelerated from 1944 to 1950 when production picked up rapidly after the war possibly because young men were back from the war and began to develop their villages economies. In addition to that, the number of Christians who turned into coffee farms had increased, for instance, in 1932 the Union registered 57 farmers as its members, while in 1950 there were more than 3500 farmers. 3.3. Tea Production and Greenery Estates in Rungwe District Tea was the cash crop introduced in Tanganyika and in Rungwe District in particular. The crop whose scientific name is Camellia sinensis has been grown for a very long time. It was introduced by a German Botanist called Dr.Hindorf employed by the Deutsch Ost Afrika Gesellschaft (DOAG). Early in 1894, Hindorf attempted to experiment various crops with different varieties of tropical plants for commercial production. This was done at Amani Agricultural Research Station (AARS) in the Usambara Mountains in 1902, and later at Kyimbila Moravian Mission in the Rungwe District of the Southern Highlands. In the southern Highland province, the crop was introduced in 1904 at Kyimbila Moravian Mission Station which is part of Rungwe District. The seeds of tea were imported from Cylon nowadays is called Sri Lanka. From Kyimbila the seedlings were planted at Msekela Estate between 1924 and 1926 and became planters crop. The ecological conditions of Rungwe district was an ideal for tea production. Therefore, tea production continued in the New Langenburg with the opening up of new farms through the clearing of land and felling of trees, though with little attention on how this would negatively or positively change the landscape and affect the environment in the future. The expansion of land clearing for tea production was attributed by various factors in including the quality of tea experimented in the district. During the British period, especially in 1928, there was an expansion of Tea plantations in the district whereby tea seeds from Assam were imported and large-scale clearing of land for cultivation took place. A most encouraging report on the prospects of the tea industry in Tanganyika has been made by Messrs John G. Gilliant and Company Ltd, London, who made an analysis of samples sent by Msekela Estate Tukuyu in 1930. It was stated that the quality of the tea from Tukuyu was excellent. It has the characteristics of a blend of good quality high grown Ceylon and good quality Assam Tea. This proved that the climatic condition and the soils of Tukuyu were suitable for the production of tea. Thus got move support after the failure of coffee in 1930, which forced planters to turn to tea planting as an alternative to coffee planting. It facilitated the transformation of woodland and grassland landscapes into a new scene of large estates of greenery landscapes. Up to 1930s, a large portion of woodland was already cleared and planted large estates of tea brought a new greenery visual impression almost throughout the year due to the presence of compact tea leaves with canopies. It was during this period when coffee was formerly regarded as a white mens crop, was allowed to be cultivated by peasants and now tea took the position of coffee as an estate crop and no African peasant was expected to plant it. At first, the German-imposed laws to restrict the Africans to engage in tea production as it were regarded to be a planters crop only for large-scale planting. Furthermore, tea was considered a commercial crop in 1926 and further increased after the Second World War. It was the British who modified the estates through the introduction of advanced technology and management techniques that promoted high care that in turn increased production. During the British period, all matters concerned with tea were dealt with by the Tanganyika Tea Board (TTB). Among the implications of large-scale clearings of land for tea production, was the disruption of the natural habitats of wild game, whose immediate impact was the disappearance of wild animals. The natural landscape and vegetation provided good shelter for a variety of wild animals that were easily hunted by the Nyakyusa before the advent of colonialists. 3.4. Paddy Production and Modifications of the Wetlands into Farmlands in Mwaya Plains. Paddy production increased gradually at the end of the 19th century, a net export of paddy was expected to be realized with much of paddy to be grown by some of the Arabs traders as well as missionaries. But probably in this early period of colonial penetration, a greater response to new market opportunities was made by the plains Nyakyusa who took rice growing as early as the 1890s. In 1899 it was reported that it was no longer necessary to import rice from English territory and it was expected that a net export had be realized in the following year. Also, the presence of immigrant artisans from Malawi working on mission stations some of whom did not grow enough food requirements was an additional factor in boosting the internal markets but more important was the presence of the British Askaris at Masoko garrison. Such positive response to market opportunities necessitated re-organization in the traditional division of labour in which men hoed the land while women sowed and cooked. The chief (Malafyale) Korosso and his Principal Lifumu Mwakilima initiated cultivation of paddy in the lake plains. They made use of the experiences gained through contact with the Arabs and European traders to guide and control changes in their areas during the early colonial period. These Nyakyusa chiefs learnt paddy cultivation from some Arabs traders in Malawi and brought seeds to the lake plains for experimental purpose in about 1896. In the following years, paddy grown on Salim bin Najoms shamba was said to be doing well while that grown on the mission stations also showed good prospects. With the transformation of the landscape, the mosquitoes became a threat to the Nyakyusa in the lowland plains. The insects were the major causative of malaria and affected both the Europeans and the Africans. For instance, at Kipangamasi (old wangenmannshoh) three Berliner missionaries dies of malaria in 1899. This led to the campaign for controlling the mosquitoes due to the production paddy created favorable condition for the reproduction of the insects. In the process of making land available for agriculture, the colonial governments of both Germans and the British involved cutting down of the natural forests and total removal of the vegetation cover and clearing of the wetlands (for paddy in lowland region) for production. These natural forest landscapes had a significant role in the formation of rain (hydrological cycle) and watersheds. Thus, with the removal of trees and total vegetation cover led to the decrease evapotranspiration, increased runoff, soil erosion and more so, increased infiltration to ground and surface water. In this juncture, some of the important roles of the natural vegetation and the wetlands to the ecosystems include preservation of aquatic habitat (for wetlands), protection of soil from erosion, mitigation of floods and maintenance of water quality (for riparian vegetation). This meant that clearing of the natural vegetation and wetlands cut off the benefit of erosion control, flood mitigation, altered both aquatic and mainland habitats and destroyed the chemical processes that previously maintained water quality in most water reservoirs including rivers, streams and Lake Nyasa. Generally, Crop cultivation played a significant role in modification of the natural environment throughout the district during the Germans and later by the British colonial rule. cultivation or tillage of the virgin landscapes which were tightened with natural vegetation cover changed the infiltration and run off properties of the previous landscapes hence affected recharge to the groundwater, evapotranspiration, the delivery of water and sediments to surface water. Therefore, these processes affected both directly or indirectly the interaction of the surface and groundwater. Tea estates to a large extent represented large areas through which pesticides (round up), and chemical fertilizers had been released to the environment. These contaminants in rivers and streams easily reduced groundwater quality, particularly where rivers normally seep to groundwater and where the underground water withdrawn, induced seepage into the streams. Right from the German colonial rule in Rungwe district, campaigning for cash crops farming was an indicator of modernization and a way of showing that alien civilization was considerably higher than that of the natives. In regard to the modernization of the peasantry, there was an immediate change from subsistence farming to the commercialization of production. Thus both cash crops and food crop production in the district contributed towards the immediate and long-term changes on landscapes. The profit maximization was the main factor of both peasants and European settlers in the whole process of landscape changes and environmental degradation in the district. Apart from, profit maximization also ecological decline which followed the deforestation and lack of anti-erosion measures in the process of cash crop farming was another environmental impact in the district. The process of turning the bushlands into farmlands by clearing and falling down trees in favour of mechanized farming disturbed the ecological set up the district. 3.5. Colonial Tree Planting and the Change of Land cover. Landscape changes in Rungwe District also continued by tree planting activities in various areas and can be traced as far back as the German colonial period. The pre-colonial forest landscapes of the district invoked into conflict with both German and the British colonial governments. The German administrators and settlers planted trees in and around their offices and settlements as ornaments and others for the commercial purposes. The practice was adopted by the local people who worked for the colonial administrators, missionaries and settlers. At the initial stage, the German colonial administrators and settlers also encouraged the local people to plant trees around their homesteads by providing them with seedlings. The unusual visual appearance of the disturbed landscape started to be seen as slowly as new exotic trees and crops were adapted to the new environment of Rungwe District. The new landscape was described as a forest desert or a forest cemetery highly evocative images that contrasted with the thick green especially in the 1940s as seen in figure 2. Forests played a central part in shaping the landscape either through planting trees (afforestation) or through clearing the woodlots and Miombo forests (disappearance). During the early years of German administration, the wild rubber in forests became the most profitable harvests, and therefore, forced the native of the district to collect wild rubber in the wilderness leading to the disappearance of wild rubber as it had an economic value by the time. However, later on, in 1906 the supply of wild rubber diminished accordingly due lack of world market of the product, that led to the planting of exotic trees. The new exotic plants established were found to be the most profitable forest-related products until 1913 when its market was crashed. The German colonial government established plantations of pines, grevillea, teak, cypress, eucalyptus and other trees such Mvule for various purposes and in different places, especially in the mission stations of Kyimbila, Rungwe, Itete and Ipyana. Taking an example of Ipyana mission, the photograph taken by early missionaries shows early infrastructures and trees planted within and around compounds as ornaments shades and fruits. Fig.1 Trees planted as fruits and ornaments at Ipyana, the place between houses of missionaries Br. and Sir. Richard and Br. Stolz in 1909. Source RAMC Like in another part of the country, tree planting in Rungwe District had three major markets, the local market for firewood, charcoal and timber for construction. Canoes construction in Malawi and timber production within the district led to the extensive planting of Mvule forests and other new exotic tree introduced by the colonial regime. Some areas which were found potential for expansion of crop cultivation affected the indigenous, through conversion those forests into plantations. After when the efforts of promoting production seemed to have failed to large extent by indigenous, the aspect of forest management started to emerge by the German colonial administrators. At the time, when the British took over the country from the Germans, they had already established 20 ha of forest plantations in the district. The British continued with landscape changes through afforestation and reforestation programmes carried out in different places in the district including Tukuyu, Mpuguso, Kiwira and many others. Among the main goal of the British colonial government to carry out the programmes was to replace and replant trees cut during the German rule and cleared by natives for various socio-economic purposes. Unlike, the German period, more changes in landscapes in the district was evidenced during the British colonial period, as the planting of trees served dual purposes, as production for timber and as ornaments. Developed fragmented landscape of woodlots and green forests were expanded during the early years of the British occupation at Tukuyu station, whereby a total of 11,160 trees, mainly Mulanje cedar and ornamental trees were planted between 1916 and 1921. Also, a number of shade and ornamental trees particularly grevillea and wattle were planted at the station, also created a new visual impression in European settlements. Furthermore, a number of seedbeds were established in 1917, and nurseries were established at Kyimbila about 13,000 young trees were planted in the South of New Langenburg station. A large part of the land surface was covered by various tree species planted during this period among them include Cedars, Conifers, Jacaranda and some indigenous trees especially Mvule. The colonial government employed tax defaulters in planting trees. The tax defaulters were proved useful labour and a good asset to the administration owing to the scarcity of timber near New Langenburg. The nurseries were replanted with a view of extending the next rains season. A reserve stock has been kept in the nursery to provide for 1000 trees for planting. There were 35 acres of wattle planted in 1925, an attempt to provide firewood supply. However, this attempt was unsuccessful due to various reasons based on technological and climatic factors. Unlike the Germans colonial rule, the British government did a lot in landscape transformation in Rungwe District. At first, the colonial state sent Mr Templer an Assistant District Officer, who went through a forestry course at Cambridge. He trained the local people, laid and enlarged nurseries, and seedlings were distributed to headmen (mafumu) to encourage them to grow trees. Changes in landscape occurred by clearing the natural vegetation and replacing new exotic trees were expanded year after year. More acreage of land was cleared and replaced by new exotics as follows, in 1924 about 5000 trees were scattered planted throughout the district, in 1925 about 30,000 trees were planted and 20,000 trees survived, in 1926 about 44,500 trees were planted covered 36 acres, in 1927 about 85,000 trees covered 60 acres. All these activities were possible by the support from the British Forest Department Funds, and on top of that in 1928, the colonial government posted another Forester at Tukuyu to facilitated more planting of trees. The forester prepared 7 seedbeds for eucalyptus, cedar and black wattle, for extensive plantings in areas near Tukuyu Township particularly, Kyimbila, Ushirika, Mpuguso and Lutengano. In 1929 about 57,000 trees covered 44 acres and 35 acres were already cleared for planting. At Tukuyu, about 10,250 grevilleas were issued to Mwampulo and Mwanjali headman. From 1917 to 1929, various places of the district had been planted with new vegetation cover. As the planting continued, the trees grown were of various stages of growth. In the 1930s, the district environment was largely fragmented with green and systematic planted forest landscape in particular, the image of the green roof of planted fields have became something of a visual impression for people as opposed to the previously policy of letting nature follow its course. Landscape modification progressed during the British colonial period by clearing and replacing new systematically planted trees in various places in the district. In 1930, almost 45.5 areas of natural forest were cleared and covered with exotics at Tukuyu.Due to lack of fund, in 1931 no plantings took place. However, by the use of Native Administration Funds, 10 acres of mlunje cedar planted near Mpuguso School and 12 acres at Tukuyu in 1931. Further, landscape modeling by the British colonial government, took place to a large part of the by involving and instructing the indigenous, to carry out plantings of trees in small plantations and not around their homes as ornaments. Other tree plots were established near bridges to provide suitable timber and for repair or maintenance of bridges for maintenance, and for in case of any breakage. Further changes of the landscape in the district were carried out by the Prison Department in 1932. The department planted 30 acres of cypress and cedar for firewood and soft timber for carpentry work. In the same year, the Native Administration auspices planted 16.25 acres of cedar and cypress in and near Tukuyu Township, 12.8 acres of cypress, cedar and cedrella toona at Mpuguso. The Development of fragmented landscapes and destruction of natural vegetation by replacing with alien vegetative cover continued to a large in the Rungwe District by the British colonial rule. The forestation and reforestation of the district by the British colonial rule was only possible by the involvement of the Prison Department and the Natives Administration Authority especially the headmen (mafumu). For instance, in 1933 the Prison Department planted 14,000 of cedar which covered 28 acres, 6000 of cypress covered 12 acres, and 2,500 of cedrella toona plant in 5 acres. Whilst the Native Administration Authority, through the Mafumu, planted in a total of 20, 388 of the mentioned tree species. Furthermore, in 1934, the Native Administration planted 1,925 acres at Tukuyu and 30.4 acres at Mpuguso whereby 41,497 seedlings were issued. As the afforestation continued in more urgent areas in the district, 7 new nurseries were opened bringing the total up to 10 nurseries. These nurseries intended to supply seedlings to the Native Administration Authority. plantings were as follows 36 acres in all of the cypress at Katumba, Simiki and Malindo in the Katumba Chiefdom, Ipombo and Ikama Chiefdom, and Iselya, Ndambo and Igamba in the Bundali Chiefdom. In 1935, the Forester was transferred from Tukuyu to Mbeya in January, but the programme continued. The Native Administration plantings were as follows 45 acres of the eight places listed for 1936 and Mpuguso School, and 1, 15 acres of cypress and eucalyptus viminalis at Mpuguso federal Court. In 1938, the Native Administration plantings 45 acres as in 1937, after an examination of the financial implications, It was decided that, it would be impossible to carry out the five years programme of expansion originally proposed owing to the cumulative cost thereof, and that the future policy. apart from rounding off a block at Mpuguso would be to maintain the existing plantations properly and for expansion to rely entirely on free issued of seedlings, the question of costs and planting practices to be gone into with a view to increasing the number of seedlings available if possible by cutting costs per 1000. The colonial government had its political goal as a fight for keeping the Rungwe green and the need for timber. A green forest landscape was considered to be the natural state of affairs. In the proper protection of the forest, the colonialists argue that were required human intervention. The green forest was perceived to be part of a landscape that needed protection by humans because it has been shaped by them. The landscape of the Rungwe Forest was understood as a natural result of the quasi-organic ties between people and nature. In the general view, the green forest landscape rather becomes a human constructed product and natural forces. In addition to that, humans were inalienable of the green forest landscape which was just as much cultural and human-made and as natural. The forest landscape came to embody the cultural values of diligence and care. It represented what was seen as a healthy, well kept and clean forested landscape. In a large part of the forested landscape especially the montane grasslands of Rungwe Mountain were in a state of rapid decline due to extensive cultivation of coffee and tea plantations. Up to 1940s large part of the landscape had been transformed by cultivation and construction of various infrastructures that served the colonial government. Other places had been planted over with exotic Pines, cypress, eucalyptus and the natives trees which were of great importance to the colonial government. The British transformed their landscape by creating islands of forest vegetation around human settlements areas that would otherwise have had little forest cover. The interpretations by foreign forest scientists had treated these forests as surviving remnants from disturbed landscapes by the African cultivators and cattle keepers. Actually, such kind of generalizations was used to justify state interventions and control over the African environment. However, historical research done by researchers such as Fairlead and Leach refutes this kind of undermined conclusions and reconstructed the environmental history of the continent by conveying a different environment history that also lent support to advocates of localized environment management. The process of forest landscape restoration and afforestation reflected the concern with not only planting trees but also the composition of a general visual impression. This was due to the fact that, the landscape of eucalyptus forests was not equal to that of woodlands and alike. Therefore, the old-growth forests specifically the wood and grasses landscapes were not equal to that of second-growth eucalyptus forests which had long trees, greenery and fast growing. In the afforestation activities of the colonial period led to the transformation of the wood, shrubs landscapes into green forest landscapes. Generally, forest played a significant part in the changing of Rungwe landscape, either through its presence or through their disappearance rather than other factors such as the creation of cities, possibly was the greatest single factor in landscape changes in the district. In Rungwe District, more changes in landscapes emerged during when the colonizers annexed the district and large clearing of land either for tree planting or cultivation of crops, was imposed. The newly found landscapes can be described as a forest desert or forest cemetery with highly impressive images associated with thick green trees of cedar and other tree species. Fig. 2. Colonial afforestation with fragmented landscapes of grasslands, pines and eucalyptus tree south of Tukuyu township in 1940s. Source RAMC 3.6. Changes in Biodiversity Loss of biodiversity was among the major landscape changes of colonial development interventions in Rungwe District. At the period of Germans colonization in the district, crops such as tea, coffee, rubber, cotton and sisal were experimented at different places and time. Crops such rubber, cotton and sisal failed, whilst tea and coffee were growing well, possibly due to climatic conditions. This had an impact to the natural environment especially to plants and animals. The destruction of habitats by falling trees and clearings, that involved large tracts of land created tension and unfavorable environment to most wild animals especially to large mammals. For instance, the production of tea, coffee and sisal estates in the district took place on landscape that had been covered by thick tropical forests with a variety of flora and fauna. Wildlife was abundant and a large variety was found in the district. A good variety of wildlife found in Rungwe District during the British period include Zebra, Puku, Roan, Duiker, Reedbuck, Bushbuck, Water Buck, Blue Duiker, Buffalo, Hartebeste, Impala, Klipspringer, Diodic, Stein buck, Topi, Sable, Kudu, Situtunga, Hippotamus, Elephants, Antelope, Leopards, Lions and Giraffe. Among the species which were rarely occurred in 1922 by the British in the territory were klipspringer, stein buck, redunca and reedbuck. The loss of these animals was probably due to excessive hunting by the Germans in the previous years. A large number of animals such as Roan, sable, Rungwecebus (kipunji), elephants (sofu), Bushbuck, many lions (ngalamu) leopards, and wild pigs were frequently seen in various places of the district before the interventions. In addition to that, there were some animal species which were only found in Rungwe and no other part of the country, among them such as, klipspringer, steinbuck, Redunca Arundinum, and Reedbuck. Later year, especially in the 1940s, the mentioned animal species were either completely disappeared or partially seen in Rungwe district. Except in few areas which were gazetted as Forest reserves, but in large part of the landscape, only small black monkeys were found in some places in the late 1940s. The destruction of forests that acted as crucial habitats was reported by respondents as a major factor that led to the disappearance of games in the district. The extensive falling down trees and shrubs for planting cash crops i.e. tea and coffee, whereby more hectares of lands involved, resulted into loss of biodiversity due to destruction of their shelters. The fragments of natural forests found in these estates provide evidence that the areas had been dominated by heavy forests in the past before the introduction of cash crop estates. For instance, at Kyimbila, Chivanje and Msekela Estates, there were reserved patches of heavy and valuable forests along the rivers streams and on steep slopes of the hills to maintain watersheds and catchments. Hence, these disturbances imposed by colonial interventions in the natural ecological setup in which wild game habituated led to the migration either into reserved places or far away to Kitulo and Ruaha National parks of today. Not only estates of tea and coffee that led to the destruction of game habitats but also, communal farms were not established in some areas, thus, the natives faced the problems of land shortage. As all suitable land for cultivation especially forests and bush landscapes were taken by colonialists during the establishment of cash crop plantations by German settlers and later continued by British settlers after taking over the Germans colony in the 1920s. As more land was annexed by the colonial regime, it led to more landscape modelling as the natives expanded to other places for cultivation and grazing. Clearing and falling down trees led to the disappearance of some valuable tree species such as casspourea gummiflua (msongwa jike), dracaena species (mtedesyele), misivisivi, ficus thonningii (mpandapanda), ficus fur (mkuyu), Fern tree (mkeke), mvule, misangavale, zantroxylum sp.(lusebe Rungwe), Abizia sp.(mtangasale) and other important tree species. These species were important for maintaining humidity of the natural environment, timber production, construction of churches, bridges and some were used as herbals. 3.7. Agricultural Modernization and Climate Change. Climate change in the Rungwe District in the period colonial domination was influenced by both the nature of the landscape and excessive use of land by the colonialists. The vegetation cover of the district was basically changing significantly with the increase in heights in the Mount Rungwe, Uporoto ranges and the Livingstone escarpment, having an impact on temperature and rainfall availability and distribution. The variation in vegetation cover led into distinct in climatic conditions. The pre-colonial Rungwe landscapes had a vegetation type that can be distinguished as short grasses and scattered trees found at lowland plains and the mountainous forests with grassland developed at high altitudes. Therefore, changes happened in the natural vegetation by either clearing or planting new foreign species in the district landscapes, altered the climatic conditions such as drought landscape and flooded landscapes. The colonial development interventions in the district induced climate change in many different ways such as increased the incidence of hot winter and dry summers. The disturbance of the natural forest landscapes during colonial period for various development interventions ecologically is considered as a natural phenomenon, however, its scale and velocity considered as human-induced phenomena. Various ways led to alteration of temperature and rainfall in the district during the colonial period. Among the ways led to changes of climate include clearing of forests that acted directly as catchment areas of many rivers, and sources of rain. The deforestation process led to a decrease in volumes of the rivers and therefore, turned rivers into either very small streams or disappeared completely. Rivers such as Luwalisi and Kijunjwe, Mbaka, Lufilyo were typical examples reported by informants to have big ones in the past to the extent that, they contained even some aquatic species such as fish. Also it was reported that, the volume of water of these rivers, remained almost constant throughout the year. The interventions on water landscape affected the quantity, distribution and chemical qualities of the water resources. The impact of colonial development activities on the quality and quantity of water resources had been experienced over the wide range of space and timescale in the district. For instance, short-term changes were viewed from a few weeks to months and the long-term changes experienced by a range of years to some decades which the colonial rule stayed in the district. Changes happened during the colonial period when the volumes of water in these rivers, started to decrease and became small and shallow rivers. Apart from that, the clearing of the forests for the establishment of processing factories in Tukuyu needed intensive energy from firewood that, resulted in the serious destruction of forests in which climate was maintained. The deforestation of this period led to the change of climatic conditions such as droughts, local flooding, a decline of water levels, decrease and variation of river flows and many other climatic changes. Furthermore, in the early years of tea production in the district, it was reported that tree logging for tea processing that involved withering grading and packing caused a serious problem as it required a lot of fire woods from natural forests found in the district. Woods being the only source of energy by the time for drying green tea leaves facilitated to large extent deforestation. Taking an example, at Mwakaleli where there were two driers used 4405 cubic metres for processing 506,625kg of green tea leaves at a ratio of 115 kg per cubic metre of fire woods. Therefore, the two conventional dryers used 2819.5 cubic metres of fire woods to produce 21819 kg of made tea at a ratio of 77.39 kg of made tea per cubic metre. This led to the invasion of temperatures in the highlands and plains as well as prolonged drought which affected the production of both food and cash crops production. Also, modifications of climate in the district were also associated with decreased rainfall intensity within a short period causing drought, and the prolonged period of dryness caused by excessive deforestation which reshaped and degraded the entire landscapes. Changes in rainfall distribution were attributed to the impacts brought by the large-scale clearing of the wood landscapes causing a semi-arid climatic condition which was previously not experienced by the natives. For instance, the cultivation along the hill slopes of Tukuyu, Uporoto led to extensive deforestation, bush burning, and uncontrolled spontaneous urban development attributed to degradation of the environment, and the general changes in the physical appearance of the landscapes i.e. built, or farmed. This led to the loss of soil quality (soil nutrients) and reduction of animal species and medicinal trees, causing food insecurity and many other implications in the district during the colonial period. Furthermore, tree planting was initiated by the colonial state to counteract the loss of vegetation and prevent further depletion of the environment in the early 1930s. For instance, the Tea Estates Ltd under George Williamson (Tanzania) in 1930s decided to establish wood plantations (afforestation) rather than depend on cutting down natural forests which were found diminishing. A new exotic tree species called eucalyptus was introduced in the district. The trees were regarded to be important due to it grow very fast and renewable. The impact of these trees on the environment was the consumption of water as it was proved that, a mature tree was said to consume roughly 15 to 20 litres of ground water per day for photosynthesis processes. Bad enough, these trees were found grown near water sources resulting into higher consumption of water from these watersheds. A good example, were the tea estates of Kyambambembe Chivanjee, Katonya, Mwitika, Luwalisi, Kiganga, Rungwe, Kyimbila and Msekela were observed that eucalyptus trees had grown close and near water sources. Therefore, these reduced the amount of water flows into streams and general sustainability of river flows in the district. The modification of climate occurred due to excessive land uses which involved the large-scale clearing of the woodland and grassland forested landscapes. This resulted in low rainfall, changes in infiltration patterns, dryness along the river courses and the missing of hydrological reserves for supporting low water levels. For instance, in 1922, the District Administrative Officer reported incidence of dry condition emerged since the British occupation in the district. He pointed out that, there were Low temperature of about 7 degrees centigrade at Igali and rainfall was below the average in various areas such as Tukuyu 86.1 inches, at Kyimbila 87.3 and Itete 89.8 inches. In 1923, as opposed to the previous year, heavy rains occurred and caused many damages of bridges and roads in the lowland areas especially at Mwaya where large land was flooded. Therefore, the destruction of large hectares of land for farming of both cash and food crops, much of which occurred in the district during colonial period affected the water cycle in which evaporation and condensation processes were disrupted leading to the possibility of the remaining portions of the landscape to change into savannah and dry landscape. Clearing of the natural forests for both crop cultivation and construction of infrastructures altered the climatic condition of the district in many different ways. For example, the increased demands for poles in the construction of bridges, drying of tea in the factories and the expansion of tea and coffee plantations, led to the increased destruction of forests in Rungwe District. In 1932, streams and numerous springs ceased to exist, and some become seasonal streams or rivers. In regard to these changes, water levels in the main rivers decreased due to the further destruction of catchments. This has affected paddy production in low lands, the occurrence of frequent floods and poor water quality were some of the side effects initiated extensive colonial development interventions in the district. In addition to that, in an indirect way, clearing and cultivation (deforestation) influenced the local climate by retarding water recirculation, lowering air moisture and reducing precipitation leading to dryness or drought conditions. The wide range of deforestation in the south of New Langenburg, Kyimbila, Manow and Mwakaleli as well as in the lake plains has been accompanied by temperature invasion in the district in 25 years in colonial occupancy in Rungwe District. This has been shown on rainfall records for the district indicated that temperature and rainfall had become more erratic. The natural vegetation cover had a significant role of retention of water and humidity in the district, hence the clearance of these vegetation cover during the colonial period led to the loss of water and humidity causing semi-arid climatic conditions. Similarly, forests disturbance has clearly been accelerated by the expansion of farms and construction of infrastructures, leading to the changes in climatic conditions. In addition to that, the forests were shrinking its carbon dioxide and absorbing capacities were slowly diminishing depending to the intensity of cropland established, in turn, this led into more heat trapping gas that reached the upper atmosphere causing global warming leading to unusual dryness landscape. The increased heat affected climate by altering the incoming solar radiations and the outgoing thermal radiations that were part of the former undisturbed pre-colonial landscape. These changes of the atmospheric condition and its properties led into either warming or cooling the climate system of various places of the district. 3.8. The use of Agrochemicals and Environmental Degradation. In order to enhance high production, agrochemicals wereq applied throughout the whole period of growing tea on both estates and smallholdings so as to protect the crop from destruction by pests and diseases. Several types of chemicals such as herbicides, insecticides and fungicides and chemical fertilizers were applied to making sure that production got improved to a profitable scale. Scholars like Van der Wal noted that, the excessive use of agrochemicals has negative effects on the environment as they affect the areas under tea cultivation and since those chemicals when dissolve into a watery state could spread over a very wide areas that could result in the contamination of water sources and be harmful to people who depend on the water for their daily domestic activities and for their animals. It is these agrochemicals which kill organic soil matters that are essential to soil fertility and resulting in declining soil productivity. Though agrochemicals use could pollute water sources and underground water if good agricultural practices were not followed, the TTA forbade smallholder tea farmers to grow tea near water sources. They were advised to leave 10 metres between the river streams and their plots. The farmers left that a reliable distance as suggested. But after the replacement of the TTA by TBT and TSHTDA many people violated the practice and grew tea up to the banks of the rivers and streams. This new practice gave an opportunity for agrochemicals to flow from smallholder tea plots to water sources that killed living organisms in water and indirectly affected people who used water from those streams. The TBT and TSHTDA had not invested in Agricultural Extension Officers to guide farmers on how to conduct sustainable agriculture that was environmentally friendly. Furthermore, the availability of chemicals made people to use them in killing fish in the rivers resulting in the destruction of fish and their habitat. Currently, no fish can be seen in the rivers. Before the advent of colonial rule in Rungwe district, the natives used cow dungs in their small farms to increase production. The introduction of insecticides, pesticides and fertilizers were brought into the district by the colonial government and were mostly used in coffee and tea estates. The fertilizers used in farming have had far-reaching effects on the environment. The practice has injected vast amounts of chemicals into the ecosystems especially nitrogen and phosphorus. Also when rains occurred, runoff from the farmlands was often carried a large amount of fertilizer into streams and large rivers such as Mbaka, Lufilyo and Luwalisi, that eventually drained into Lake Nyasa. Therefore, all these chemical fertilizers carried by runoff created an expansion of marine dead zone from rivers and streams to the lake. 3.9. Soil Erosion One of the environmental implications of landscape changes in Rungwe District was soil erosion. Agricultural production especially tea and coffee planting in Rungwe District usually took place in the upland areas dominated by few valleys and many slopes receiving high amounts of rainfall ranging between 800 mm and 2200 mm per annum. The introduction of tea production in the area led to serious erosion due to the slope of the land. Thus, a considerable amount of soil was lost before the estate and smallholder tea plants grew and established large canopies to protect the soil from raindrops that caused soil erosion. During the establishment of tea production, all natural trees were cleared and their roots uprooted between 2 to 3 feet from the surface. All shrubs and couch grasses had to be removed to avoid the eruption of root rot disease technically known as Armillaria mellea which spread through contacts between tea roots and other plant roots resulting in the withering of the tea plants. When tea was being planted for the first time and replanted to fill in gaps of some old tea plants that had dried up, the soil became bare and got easily subjected to erosion. This was due to planting tea on steep slopes which exposed land to water and wind erosion, that led to the highest rates of soil erosion in newly planted areas and filled in vacancies and decreasing in well-established areas where tea plants had developed large canopies. Van der Wal noted that even when tea estates had become well established, soil erosion could be high as the surface soil may continue to be lost from 20 to 160 tons each year. Many scholars claimed that the tea crop was environmentally friendly as many canopies of tea bushes help to reduce the impact of raindrops on the soil and reduced the chances of soil erosion. The tea roots held together soil particles as they were deep-rooted helping to stop soil erosion. Despite their claims, soil erosion was seen to have begun on many tea estates to the extent that gullies were still expanding and some estates crossed over by roads were characterized by serious soil erosion on the upper parts of the roads leading to the extraction of the old tea plants which had been well established with large canopies. Though the tea cooperative societies and companies started to establish nurseries of natural trees to combat soil erosion in areas under tea, it was impossible to reach the exact intended goals because Agricultural Officers did not like to see trees remaining on smallholder plots and estates as they claimed that, the roots of natural trees caused tea roots to decay and tree shades made green tea leaves light and less valuable. Therefore, those trees which had been left standing on the smallholder tea farms originally were being cut giving an opportunity to prolonged soil erosion. Both tea estates and smallholder tea farms were vulnerable to soil erosion after converting natural biodiversity to tea production though the rates of the seriousness of the problem depended very much on the nature of the terrain of the different areas under the crop. 3.10. Conclusion Agriculture as one of the major colonial interventions resulted into fragmentation and degradation of the ecological setup and habitat loss of the wild game. The widespread of cultivation of lands for cash and food crops that involved large-scale clearings of farms, especially for coffee and tea estates, marked the initial stage for the development of fragments and patches. However, most of the pre-colonial Rungwe ranges especially in the Midlands, below 2200m were subjected to shifting cultivation, whereby the Nyakyusa engaged in the production of millet other food crops such as pumpkins and yams. Considerably, due to the small population and scattered nature of settlement changes in landscapes were slightly and steady as production were small and for subsistence. Among the most significant factor for landscape changes and natural disturbance within the district was undoubtedly crop cultivation. In the 1930s, each year, large areas of the district were cleared and disturbed its ecology for either establishment of new or extension of the existing farms. The intensity of cultivation of crops, which has been practised for almost five decades believed to be the main cause of the replacement of previously extensive areas of Afromontane forests with grassland and scrub-grasslands in the district, especially in Busokelo, Ukukwe and Rungwe. Tea estates have definitely reduced the natural forests within the period of six decades colonial dominations. Though, in most of the estates, there few surviving pockets of the historically widespread natural forests, especially the patches found in Msekela, and Kyimbila estates, realizes the presence of valuable ecological set up of the district. Furthermore, cultivation posed a severe threat to the integrity of the pre-colonial Rungwe landscapes as the land was increasingly converted into croplands such as tea, coffee, banana and paddy production. Even though, shifting cultivation was practised almost in all places planting millet as the main food crop for the natives. Changes were slight and small due to a small population that was scattered distributed on the landscapes. More important, with shifting cultivation, the land was left to fallow. The practice actually paved a way for the secondary succession to take place on previously worked fields. The fallowed fields were re-colonized by widely distributed species which precluded the regeneration of the unique Afromontane forest species. In the areas where soils were disturbed such as Mwakaleli and some part of Itete were replaced and colonized by a shrubby sward. Colonial interventions did not only change the composition of the biodiversity i.e fauna and flora but also created serious erosion problems, as fields were tilled on steep slopes. Moreover continuing destruction of Afromontane grassland habitat, threatened the locally occurring wild game especially big mammals such as elephants, lions and many others. The alien trees posed a threat biodiversity, chiefly the exotic timber trees of Pines and Eucalyptus, which had been used in afforesting the cleared montane forests. John Iliffe , A Modern History of Tanganyika (London Cambridge University Press, 1980) p. 261 TNA- Rungwe District Book (cash crop section) TNA- Rungwe District Book (cash crop section) TNA Rungwe District Book TNA Rungwe District Book TNA S.M.P 23/13 TNA Rungwe District Book 1 TNA Rungwe District Book TNA Rungwe District Book TNA Rungwe District Book Water Rodney Op.cit p. 151 TNA S.M.P. FC 1599 /26 Chief Secretary to Provincial Commission 21November, 1939. Ibid Water Rodney Op.cit p. 151 Majoya p. 126 Muller, Global Environmental Change, (2011) p. 191 Win Anyosisye Mwangoka ( Retired secondary Teacher) Isange-Mwakaleli 8.06.2018 TNA- Rungwe District Book (coffee production Section), Also, Win Anyosisye Mwangoka ( Retired secondary Teacher) Isange-Mwakaleli 8.06.2018 Hanan Sabea, Mastering the Landscape Sisal Plantations, Land, and Labor in Tanga Region, 1893-1980s In The International Journal of African Historical Studies, Vol. 41, No. 3, The Political Ecology of Trade, Food Production, and Landscape Transformations in Northeast Tanzania 1850-2000 (2008), pp. 411-432) p. 413 Ibid TNA Rungwe District Book 1 UDSM- Main Labrary, The Reporter, The Tanganyika Standard Dar Es salaam No. 27, Tuesday, July 5, 1930, TNA Rungwe District Book 1( Rice Production) TNA Rungwe District Book 1 TNA Rungwe District Book 1 Joseph mbwiliza Op cit p.36 Yonika M. Ngaga, Forest Plantations and Woodlots in Tanzania , In African Forest Forum , Vol. 1, No.16, (2011), P.36 TNA-Rungwe District Book TNA-Rungwe District Book TN A- Rungwe District Book 1 (Forestry section) TNA- Annual Report New Langenburg Province, 31 march, 1919 TN A- Rungwe District Book 1 (Forestry section) TNA-Rngwe District Book 1 (Forestry Section) TNA-Rngwe District Book 1 (Forestry Section) TNA-Rngwe District Book 1 (Forestry Section) TNA-Rngwe District Book 1 (Forestry Section) TNA-Rngwe District Book 1 (Forestry Section) TNA-Rngwe District Book 1 (Forestry Section) TNA-Rngwe District Book 1 (Forestry Section) TNA-Rngwe District Book 1 (Forestry Section) TNA-Rngwe District Book 1 (Forestry Section) TNA-Rngwe District Book 1 (Forestry Section) TNA-Rngwe District Book 1 (Forestry Section) Vimbai C. Kwashirai, Environmental Change, Control and Management in Africa, Vol. 6, No. 12, (2013) p.171 Muller, Global Environmental Change, (2011) p. 191 TNA- Rungwe District Book 1 TNA-Tanganyika Territory Reports-Rungwe District from 1918 to 1927 Administrative Officer in Charge, Rungwe District, Annual Report 1922 TNA, Rungwe District Book, February, 1923. Interview with Mzee Sauti Yoram Mwasandube at Lugombo-Kandete 08.06.2018, also MR. Mkwavila of Mt. Rungwe Nature Reserve office at Tukuyu 11.06.2018. Josephat Mbogoni, Branch Manager, Rungwe District Branch, Tanzania Smallholder Tea Development Agency, southern Highlands Zonal Records. Interview with Rev. Hallence Mwasomola, Baptist Church Tukuyu Township, 24.05.2018. See also, Regnald Mwakilambo, A History of Tea Production in Rungwe District from 1930 to 2010, Unpublished MA-History Dissertation University of Dar Es Salaam, July 2014, p.88. Also Interview with Mzee Sauti Yoram Mwasandube at Lugombo-Kandete 08.06.2018. TNA- Annual Report of Rungwe District for the year ended 1922 TNA- Annual Report of Rungwe District for the year ended 1923 S. Van der Wal p. 38 Tea Research Institute of Tanzania (TRIT), Technical Training Module on Rehabilitation of Abandoned Tea Fields ( Training Seminar, December 2001) pp. 14-15 S. Van der Wal, Op. cit p. 38 PAGE MERGEFORMAT 5 [email protected])BZu9x6poWU5WLrS_ZYgNMf3BPlXlvxwxCp5hnVMR-o2Fw2xwRJl6kvVPy on lDQ8rvof9 x5MJgu125ycvPc2i6 H3xxVuxUof HP45Bz9j.l-(UYYryr9,kIdn445mY1s. xDdRTdPz(uIsD3K/di0./3Jk_Ym(G7k aMyKYTsv /,WKHcGiL2F6wfW8ZaIgiI 86Are/x_
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